
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/may/28/electoralreform-constitution
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There is worrying news filtering through the media today - Esther Rantzen is intending to stand as a Parliamentary candidate; this is perhaps the most disturbing development yet in the entire MPs expenses calamity.
Lynn Faulds-Wood of BBC's 'Wotch-Daaawg' has threatened similar intervention for the sake of the nation. Neither of them would seem, at first sight, to have the required patience for a 70-hour plus weekly workload, dealing with constituents' thoroughly mundane problems.
The obvious danger of a backlash against 'professional politicians' is adopting a US style admiration for candidates 'untainted by experience.' Looking on the bright side, Rantzen has said she wishes only to stand against Margaret 'dry-rot' Moran at the next election. The constituents of Luton South and the wider world need not fear the prospect of Esther's debut performance on the green benches just yet; Ms Moran is political toast. Mags's deselection is as imminent as another clutch of revelations of crimes and misdemenours by MPs in Aunty Telegraph.
Judging by today's 'scoops' the utterly knackered DT hacks seem to be running out of big front pagers. The stories on Bill Wiggin and James Purnell don't appear very robust. Many commentators have been journalistically blitzed by these abuses of power and have found it hard to respond with a strong coherent message for change. Even the Observer's formidable Andrew Rawnsley has struggled to narrow his aim with his usual eloquence, given so many targets worthy of scorn.
But the Guardian's Commentisfree editors made a worthy effort today to delineate the scope of issues needing radical reform if we, as a country, are to embrace a 'New Politics'. They have recruited an army of columnists, each assigned a huge subject such as PR, an elected second chamber or the small matter of a written constitution.
This is the arena where the public should derive a more workable and representative democracy from this chaos. Presenters of TV magazine programmes may be genuinely incensed by this scandal but restoring public trust in Parliamentary is a more complex process than exposing errant double-glazing salesmen.
When today's duty Press Officers entered No.10 for the first time, they probably did not envisage a day when he would be defending the PM over a plumbing invoice. The Daily Telegraph's first tranche of revelations over MPs claims for expenses was one of those truly jaw-dropping moments in politics. Journalistically they were, contrary to the protestations of Lord Mandy, entirely justified in focussing on members of Cabinet first. After all they are, at least in theory, in power and able to initiate reform. But they didn't.
Instead they got thoroughly stuck in. Hazel 'Gracie' Blears (pictured) popped up from behind her hedge in Salford this morning and said, with contrived candour, "I live here... and I have only ever had a small one-bedroomed flat in London". Then she bustled off without having the courage to answer any questions. The Telegraph's assertion that Blears had switched the designated second-home status back and forward from London to Manchester to claim a bomb in expenses rather shattered her image as an innocent, sentimental Lancashire lass. Her hard-pressed constituents are unlikely to swallow such patently, self-serving drivel.
The manifold reports, filling ten pages of broadsheet, exposed widespread yet not universal exploitation of the expenses system. Hillary Benn claimed about a piffling £140 of the maximum £24,000 second-homes allowance despite having a constituency in Leeds; his attitude only serves to highlight the unsated greed of his Cabinet colleagues. Benn must be under the impression a salary of £141,000 is quite adequate. Ed Milliband and Alan Johnson look equally monastic, certainly compared to NI Secretary Shaun Woodward. He claimed £100,000 in mortgage payments on his second home, hoping we would not recall the detail that he owns seven houses. Christ on a bike!
Brown gave the Beeb a 30-second interview and between several sickly grins, admitted the system was broke. His claims of over £6,500 for additional cleaning paid through his brother revealed a degree of nepotism together with hints of a disturbing obsession with hygiene. He's in it as deep as the rest and to blame the system is like a bunch of football hooligans decrying the glorification of violence.
They are all holding their breath for 24 hours as the focus will imminently fall on the Tories. In the meantime they simply repeat the mantra that all their claims are within the rules. Those same rules expect claims to be "beyond reproach" and demonstrate value for money. So much for that.
This is not even the end of the beginning. All we can be certain of is the public's anger will outlast their political careers.
So Harriet Harman opened, supported by her keen deputy Chris 'Underpants' Bryant. Opposing was the twinkle-toed and self-satisfied Alan 'Ewing' Duncan (left). Alan fancies himself as a bit of a gag-meister and impressionist and regularly makes a damn fool of himself on HIGNFY. (On last week's show, he said he would like to kill a particular homophobic campaigner - only he forgot to make a joke about it and Paul Merton just eyed him tensely). In the debate, Duncan looked under instruction to adopt a more dignified approach and so left his 1970s jokebook at home.
HH tried unsuccessfully to 'make progress' under a welter of interventions. The Government had set out a series of resolutions but before they could be debated effectively the House had to consider the amendment put down by the Standards and Privileges Committee. It is certainly very rare for an entire Committee to lay an amendment, but these are strange times. Essentially it said, ' it is this committee's role to continue its review into allowances: let us finish the job.'
Hattie then said, she was "minded to accept the amendment." In other words, complete capitulation. Brown's assertion, only eight day's before, there would be a flat rate attendance allowance, was stone dead.
But then a pall of confusion descended on the Opposition benches. Surely it meant all the resolutions and votes on receipts and staffing et al, were not needed now? Speaker Martin said no, even if it were inconsistent, the resolutions would stand for a vote. Duncan said gravely that, "we are entering the realm of lunacy...this is now a feverish shambles."
Brown's revised tactic was to be able to say at the end of the day's business, 'we have voted to make big changes'. So it went on. Most resolutions were quite straightforward; all receipts being recorded is unanswerable and could not cut across the Standards and Privileges Committee inquiry. But there were other more complex and strategic questions, such as whether all MPs' staff should be employed centrally by a new Commons HR Department. The issue involved about 2,500 staff, presumably their future administration would require determining common policies on pay, pensions, grading, terms and conditions. So much for the objective of saving money. They would also be expected to be 'politically neutral' like the Civil Service. No-one explained why.
Backbencher Meg Munn asked, so politely, what discussions had taken place with lawyers on the status of current contracts and the employees' rights. Lawyers, I am sure, would insist staff were at least consulted on the changes. Clearly that had not happened either.
The bearded David Heath, staked out the Lib-Dems objections. Heath, resembling a slightly batey gamesmaster, pointed out there was one matter which the whole house agreed needed reforming immediately - curtailing Ministers' ability to claim second home allowances when they were already provided with 'grace and favour' homes. Yet that point was not to be voted on; Brown decided the Ministerial Code should be amended accordingly - meaning the scope of the change remained in the PM's power.
Brown just couldn't get anything right. At present the PM is acting like a inebriated passenger, shouting directions at the driver as they hurtle unerringly into the darkness.